Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index Map 2019 |
MASSIVE CORRUPTION UNDER THE DUTERTE ADMINISTRATION
THAT
OTHER VIRUS—CORRUPTION
By:
Dindo Manhit - @inquirerdotnet
Philippine
Daily Inquirer / 04:10 AM March 20, 2020
With
more than 100 countries now affected by the novel coronavirus, the World Health
Organization (WHO) has declared the outbreak a pandemic and called on
governments around the world to take “urgent and aggressive action.” In the
Philippines, a state of “public health emergency” has been declared, and
“enhanced community quarantine” imposed on the entire Luzon island.
But
there is another virus making
governments and societies sick. It’s corruption—a
stubborn malady that threatens the life and integrity of our institutions.
Just
like COVID-19, global corruption is also spreading unchecked. There has been no
definitive cure to eradicating corruption and fraud. Corruption, bribery, theft
and tax evasion, and other illicit financial activities cost developing countries $1.26 trillion per year, according to
Transparency International. Locally, an official of the Office of the Ombudsman
estimated that the Philippine government
is losing P700 billion a year because of corruption. The
PricewaterhouseCoopers (PWC) Global Economic Crime and Fraud Survey, meanwhile,
estimated that a staggering $42 billion worth of funds have been lost as a
result of economic crime and fraud over the past two years, based on interviews
with 5,000 businessmen-respondents across 99 countries.
…PWC
study only validating the extent of corruption in the Philippines as a major
“disruptive economic threat” that affects companies operating in the country.
According to the study, in 2020, 21
percent of respondents said they were asked
to pay a bribe, while 14 percent
of respondents said they lost an
opportunity to a competitor who paid bribes.
The
study also reinforces the results of the 2019
Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), where the Philippines recorded a score of 34 points, the lowest in
five years, on a scale where zero is “highly corrupt” and 100 is “very
clean.” The international average was 43 points, while the regional average for
Asia Pacific was 45 points.
The
study noted that majority of the fraud incidents led to an average loss of up to $100,000 or P5 million per business in the past 24 months. Thirty-one percent of
these incidents cost losses of between $50,000 and $100,000 (P2.5 million or P5
million).
A
recent Senate blue ribbon committee investigation revealed that the Anti-Money
Laundering Council had flagged P14 billion in “suspicious transactions” linked
to Philippine offshore gaming operators or Pogos in the last two years. More
than $633 million are now suspected to be part of a syndicate-run foreign
currency smuggling operation. The Department of Finance also estimated that of
over 230 Pogos in the country, only 60 are licensed by the Philippine Amusement
and Gaming Corp., and only 10 are paying taxes, per the Bureau of Internal
Revenue.
…While
these illegal activities go on, the administration has targeted three of the
country’s most successful and highly regulated listed private enterprises
(Manila, Water, Maynilad, and ABS-CBN) with allegations of having violated
their contracts or franchise regulations, accompanied by threats of takeover or
closure. Many observers see this as weaponizing the law and using populist
rhetoric for still unclear motives, but one that will only cause long-term
repercussions because of the country’s now unstable regulatory environment.
…Long-term
institutional reforms, such as amending the Bank Secrecy Act and strengthening
the country’s antimoney laundering laws, are critical first steps. The
government and the private sector must work together to promote greater
transparency and accountability in governance, and build institutional
integrity. This is a fight that is
as crucial for the nation’s future
as the battle against COVID-19.
Control
of corruption is an important good governance indicator. In the words of the
World Bank, control of corruption is “the extent to which public power is
exercised for private gain, including both petty and grand forms of corruption,
as well as ‘capture’ of the state by elites and private interests.”
High
levels of corruption are negatively correlated with high levels of economic
development.
By
giving undue advantage to select competitors favored by public officials, corruption
works against market forces—a critical factor that allows competition to
select the best products and services to win in the market. Corruption also
unduly increases costs and worsens inefficiencies. As a result, corruption has
the effect of degrading economic competitiveness and inhibiting economic development.
DUTERTE
IS TURNING PHILIPPINES INTO A MORE CORRUPT AND LESS DEMOCRATIC STATE
Panos
Mourdoukoutas
Forbes.com
Jan
24, 2020, 08:13pm EST
The Philippines is getting a
more corrupt and less democratic state under President
Rodrigo Duterte. That’s according to recent rankings published by international
agencies.
The
Philippines is the 113 least corrupt
nation out of 180 countries,
according to the 2019 Corruption
Perceptions Index reported by Transparency International. That’s 14 notches below the 2018 ranking and 18 down from 2015 before Duterte became
President!
Meanwhile,
the Philippines slid down one notch in the Economist Intelligence Unit’s (EIU)
Democracy Index for 2019, to 54th place.
That’s
on top of two notches it slid in 2018.
Rising
corruption means that President Duterte’s anti-corruption rhetoric that helped
him grow in power was just that — rhetoric. Meanwhile, his death squads and
attacks on media have undermined the country’s democratic institutions, without
helping the Philippines in the corruption front.
Growing corruption and faltering democratic institutions are
endemic problems for most emerging
market economies. It’s what keeps
them from achieving sustainable
growth and escaping poverty.
Governments
rise on the promise to drain the swamp of corruption of their predecessors and
fall as they slide in the mire of their own corruption.
…the
old villains — corruption and political oppression — remain intact, preventing
the country from developing modern infrastructure, attracting foreign capital,
lowering unemployment, sustain economic growth, and escape poverty.
There’s
a simple reason: every new regime uses
the old mechanisms, which they had
confronted before rising in office, to advance its interests rather than the
interests of the masses.
The
Philippines is a wealthy country both in natural resources and human resources.
But it remains an emerging country. While its Gross Domestic Product per capita
in reached a record of $3002 in 2018, it’s still 24% below the world’s average;
and well below the per capita GDP of neighboring countries.
Meanwhile,
the faltering of democratic institutions under Duterte has undermined the
country’s image abroad, and given President Duterte a free hand to flip-flop on
foreign policy.
His
South China Sea policy flip-flops, for instance, have distanced the Philippines
from its old friends and allies. And have weakened the country’s sovereignty by
Beijing, as was discussed in previous pieces here.
We’re
already familiar with Duterte’s fascist type rule, which is to govern in an
authoritarian or dictatorial style, by diktat. His basic approach is to degrade
or compromise democratic institutions by flouting the rule of law and trashing the
Constitution, plant his henchmen in positions of power in all three branches of
government, attack the legitimate political opposition by red-tagging and weaponizing
the law against them, intimidate, restrict, harass, prosecute, and threaten the independent press, and junk and abuse human rights. Yes, Duterte is turning
the Philippines into a less democratic state. It has been going on since he
assumed office.
Not
as well explained is how he is turning the Philippines into a more corrupt
state. The article says it happens when the regime “uses the old mechanisms.” What
are they?
Among
them is to fatten to the tune of billions of pesos the confidential and intelligence funds for
the Office of the President, monies that are basically unaudited. When there is
a lack or absence of transparency, the same holds for accountability.
Another
is to maintain pork barrel allocations for Congress, which allow members of Congress
to spend the allotments as they see fit without specific budgetary authorization
or the mandatory oversight of the executive branch. Pork barrel awards easily
amount to hundreds of millions of pesos per member. In spending pork barrel
allocations, members are given the license to use the monies to award supplier contracts
to cronies and to spirit away funds by overpricing and other mechanisms.
A
system of patronage wherein favors are exchanged among the parties in various
positions of power exists across all three branches of government. Although patronage
might involve the awards of inflated government contracts to cronies, the favors
bestowed are not always directly financial. They might involve assignments to
high or choice positions, or coveted promotions, both of which sometimes entail retirement benefits.
In
a word, “old mechanisms” consist in the traffic and exchange of power and money
by those in influential political positions—which is the very definition of corruption,
that is, the use of public power for private gain.
Image link: https://www.transparency.org/cpi2019?/news/feature/cpi-2019
ReplyDeleteImage is posted according to the principles of fair use, that is, for the purposes of information and education. Furthermore, the articles and commentary deal directly with the image.
Gonzalinho
I ain’t an economist. But what baffles me is, where did the almost 1 trillion peso reserve the Aquino administration left to the Duterte regime go? That’s a lot of money. Where was it used?
ReplyDeleteBob Blues Magoo,
@MagooBlues
Philippine Daily Inquirer (April 15, 2020)
Gonzalinho
PUBLIC EDUCATION AND CORRUPTION
ReplyDeleteBy: Marlon Iñigo T. Tronqued - @inquirerdotnet
Philippine Daily Inquirer / 05:03 AM April 15, 2020
…In 2019, the Philippines ranked 113th out of 180 countries in the CPI. …Singapore, a fellow member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, ranked fourth. Interestingly, both the Philippines and Singapore have common historical backgrounds. Both countries were colonized in the 19th century and suffered under Japanese rule during World War II. However, in terms of corruption control, the similarity between the two countries ends here. Singapore, which gained total independence much later in 1965, has successfully battled corruption in the public sector.
Besides the strong political will of its leaders, Singapore has fought corruption through public education. The country consistently invests heavily in public education infrastructure: 25 percent of its yearly government expenditure is spent to build schools and issue public scholarships. As a result, Singapore has the best public education system in the world and all Singaporeans have equal access to it.
The value of quality education is also enshrined in the country’s government. In Singapore, meritocracy has long been considered a core principle of government leadership. Meritocracy refers to a political ideology that a country should be governed by well-educated public officials with “a record of academic and technocratic excellency” (Yahong Zhang and Cecilia Lavena, “Government Anti-Corruption Strategies: A Cross-Cultural Perspective,” 2015). Thus, stringent mechanisms are in place for selecting Singaporean leaders. These measures include competitive examinations and specialized tests. Based on the results, prospective government officials would then be placed in departments that truly suit their skills (i.e., law, finance, or economics). In addition, incumbent government officials are also given access to prestigious public sector executive scholarships. Government leaders who graduate from these scholarship programs are then equipped with the proper competencies and values to be better leaders of their nation.
Clearly, Singapore’s best anticorruption secret is investing in its own people. The country places public education in the forefront of national development. Based on studies, investing in human capital and having more access to public education lead to less corruption. Proper quality education, one that fosters good values and integrity in public service, becomes a cornerstone of anticorruption policy.
…Currently, in the Philippines, anticorruption policies are geared toward the steadfast apprehension of corrupt government officials. President Duterte once publicly gave the order to “shoot but not kill” government officials who ask for bribes. The approach is undoubtedly an iron-fisted remedy against the plague (like a total lockdown to suppress a pandemic). Accordingly, successful anticorruption efforts are often likened to a bloody war between law enforcement officials and criminals that involve entrapment operations, adversarial prosecutions, and penalties issued by courts that lead to imprisonment.
However, what can be drawn from the anticorruption success story of Singapore is that the pen could, in fact, be mightier than the sword in winning the war against corruption. In the realm of anticorruption policy, prevention is better than finding a cure.
* * *
Marlon Iñigo T. Tronqued is a lawyer, professor of law, and a student of the University of the Philippines Master of Laws (LLM) program taking International Anti-Corruption Compliance as a subject.
Link: https://opinion.inquirer.net/128894/public-education-and-corruption
In reforming the perennial blight of massive corruption in Philippine governance, dangling the carrot works better than swinging the stick.
Gonzalinho
‘OTHER COSTS’
ReplyDeletePhilippine Daily Inquirer / 04:09 AM January 13, 2020
In a presentation last week at the 4th Philippine Construction Industry Congress, local think tank Reid Foundation gave a breakdown of the expenses that construction firms spend on average in putting up new infrastructure for both the public and the private sectors.
Aside from the usual expenses for raw materials and labor, an item tagged “other costs of doing business” was highlighted. The tag may sound innocuous, but those “other costs” are anything but, since they are said to take 15 to 35 percent of the expenses.
What are these “other costs”? They are the company’s budget for corruption, to grease the wheels of government bureaucracy. Construction companies are forced to spend as much as 35 percent of their budgets for projects to bribe government personnel and prevent them from delaying their projects, which may be as small as an ordinary house or as huge as condominiums, or even state-sponsored infrastructure undertakings like bridges and airports.
Companies may be adamantly against participating in this practice, but many are left with no choice but to play along, in an abusive cycle that has been going on for ages. Pay or face bigger expenses for delays.
The damage wrought by corruption on society and business is many-layered, but in the infrastructure business, an immediate ill effect is the risk inflicted on Filipino consumers.
In some cases, companies end up compromising other parts of the construction — such as the quality of raw materials — in order to accommodate the additional cost of paying off crooked public employees and officials.
As Ronilo Balbieran, Reid Foundation vice president for operations, pointed out, “this is the problem that we want to address but nobody wants to talk about.” Reid interviewed various stakeholders in the construction industry from October 2018 to March last year to make sure the figures cited in the presentation were as current as possible.
…A serious and sustained effort to root out dishonest government dealings is required, considering how rampant, widespread and entrenched the practice has become, involving nearly everyone in the bureaucracy from the lowliest barangay officials all the way to municipal and city executives.
The construction sector needs to be free of the additional cost of corruption not only to avoid delays, but, more critically, to keep people safe and free from substandard buildings and public infrastructure.
Read more: https://opinion.inquirer.net/126582/other-costs#ixzz6hVYla1Yw
“Construction companies are forced to spend as much as 35 percent of their budgets for projects to bribe government personnel and prevent them from delaying their projects, which may be as small as an ordinary house or as huge as condominiums, or even state-sponsored infrastructure undertakings like bridges and airports.
“Companies may be adamantly against participating in this practice, but many are left with no choice but to play along, in an abusive cycle that has been going on for ages. Pay or face bigger expenses for delays.”
Massive corruption in the Philippine government is systemic. Systemic problems require systemic solutions.
No expert authority in this area, what I might suggest is that systemic reform could be successfully undertaken in the Philippines if it is implemented from the top down by those who hold power, as what had taken place in Singapore under Lee Kuan Yew.
The Philippines does not have a long cultural tradition of transparency, accountability, or strong rule of law like what we find in the Scandinavian countries and New Zealand. The Philippines cannot undertake systemic reform using the same cultural building blocks.
Gonzalinho