THE CANARY IN A COAL MINE—DRY RUN FOR MASSIVE
CHEATING IN THE 2022 ELECTIONS
Degrading
the integrity of the 2019 elections prepares the ground for more extensive
subversion in the upcoming 2022 elections.
The
outcome of the 2022 elections is critical to Duterte because he wants to evade
the accountability that will be pursued against him should an administration
less than friendly be elected into office.
A
critical state of affairs exists even now because by the time of the 2022
elections, all seven Comelec commissioners will be appointed by Duterte:
begin
The
Commission on Elections (Comelec) will be packed with President Rodrigo
Duterte's appointees by the time he steps down in 2022, with all 7 poll
commissioners handpicked by the Chief Executive just in time for the next
presidential election.
Duterte
has appointed two Comelec commissioners whose terms will last until February
2025: ccommissioners Marlon Casquejo and Socorro Inting. Five commissioners are
scheduled to retire between February 2020 and February 2022. The elections
happen in May 2022.
Below
are the vacancies for 2020 up to 2022, in chronological order:
Replacement
for commissioner Luie Tito Guia (retiring February 2020)
Replacement
for commissioner Al Parreño (retiring February 2020)
Replacement
for poll chair Sheriff Abas (retiring February 2022)
Replacement
for commissioner Rowena Guanzon (retiring February 2022)
Replacement
for commissioner Antonio Kho (retiring February 2022)
end
The
last 2019 elections, Comelec ruled in favor of the administration and its
political allies. The article below, “Election Blues,” says:
“…the
Comelec…ruled questionably on critical matters, such as patent premature
campaigning, or the run of spouses to represent two adjacent districts in the
House of Representatives, or the scandalous designation of the Nacionalista
Party, which is allied with the ruling PDP-Laban, as the minority party.”
At
the time, two Comelec commissioners—Casquejo and Inting—had been appointed by
Duterte. Critically, before the 2019 elections Duterte had successfully
pressured Andres Bautista to resign. Afterwards, Duterte appointed Abas as
Comelec Chairperson.
When
all Comelec commissioners are Duterte appointees, we can expect more questionable
and objectionable rulings, blatantly partisan and with worse outcomes, highly
disadvantageous and unfair to the political opposition, in the course of the 2022
elections. Citizen watchdogs will be either eliminated or rendered inutile by their
lack of access to indicative data. See the case of Namfrel in “Alarming
Development” below.
Because
Comelec oversees the operation of the electronic elections, the compromised
political position of Comelec will be the key, absolutely so, to accomplishing
the massive electronic cheating that the administration will put in place in
order to subvert the results of the 2022 elections in favor of Duterte’s
allies.
Electronic
tampering with election results is indeed an easy thing to do. See “Was There
Tampering and Manipulation?” below.
Vote-buying
and other irregularities will simply work as mopping-up operations in this cunningly
(high level of intelligence not required, just the complete absence of
scruples) constructed plan to subvert election results.
The
formula to massively cheat in the 2022 elections is simple:
-
Compromise Comelec integrity
-
Tamper with electronic election results—a very easy task when it is done with
insider access
ALARMING DEVELOPMENT
Philippine
Daily Inquirer / 09:07 AM May 08, 2019
On
Friday, just over a week before the May 13 elections, the National Citizens’ Movement for Free Elections (Namfrel) announced
an alarming development: It was withdrawing
as an accredited watchdog for the polls, after the Commission on Elections
(Comelec) turned down its request to access key election data.
Namfrel
said the Comelec had denied (or, in
the words of its spokesperson James Jimenez, “simply not granted”) its request that its election website
receive information it needed, among them election
returns, information on candidates’ spending, the voters’ list, the number of
precincts and related precinct statistics.
The
Namfrel website, the election watchdog said, was designed to do a full audit of
the election exercise by analyzing data, highlighting possible “red flags” in
the system and addressing irregularities.
Access
to such data would have allowed Namfrel to monitor and independently track the
authenticity of election results, and allow it to provide the public near
real-time information on the elections.
The
Comelec’s refusal to grant that request means that, aside from being given the
27th copy of election results generated by the vote-counting machines,
Namfrel’s role would now be limited only to participating in the random manual
audit, which involves the manual inspection and counting of ballots from
randomly selected clustered precincts.
…the
Comelec appeared to have leaned on more basic grounds in rejecting Namfrel’s
request: Having election results coming from two sources could confuse the
public, it said. “What happens when you
have two competing sources of election information?” asked Jimenez.
Why, you allow the public to compare
the sources and the reliability of the information, for
starters: What is the source’s record of integrity? And how near or far apart
are the data from the two sides, which should indicate gaps or outright
irregularities that may need to be addressed?
Shouldn’t
transparency be paramount in elections, after all? Isn’t that precisely why
elections need an independent citizens’ arm and election watchdog—not to echo
official results, but to go through them with a fine-tooth comb to check for
inconsistencies, oversight errors and possible lapses, and ensure that the
public get the most accurate information available at any one time?
Instead
of canceling each other out, having two
sets of counting would serve as a countercheck
or validation of the official tally; in short, two pair of eyes to
independently vet the results. What could be more ideal, especially with a
midterm elections that may be the most crucial in years?
…During
the snap elections of 1985, 30 Comelec computer technicians walked out of their
jobs, bothered by the yawning discrepancy between the figures on their screen
and those on the official tabulation board. The walkout—proof of the poll
body’s complicity with the ruling party—contributed to the spark that later
became the 1986 people power revolt.
…
More than an issue of transparency, access (or the lack thereof) to election
data by an independent citizens’ arm is a matter of basic rights — the people’s
right to know that their will via the ballot box is not being thwarted or
tampered with in any way. Why is the Comelec seemingly eager to run that risk
all of a sudden?
ELECTION
BLUES
Philippine
Daily Inquirer / 05:08 AM May 15, 2019
How,
in this fragile democracy, could it happen that the Commission on Elections
(Comelec) was unable to transmit voting results on its transparency server for
seven hours on the night of Election Day?
The
question continues to rankle despite the official belated explanation, thus
exacerbating the occurrence of snafus that modern societies on the planet would
deem unthinkable and unacceptable in any electoral exercise.
It
was bad enough that, earlier on, the Comelec appeared at a loss to command the
situation, or, if it did, ruled
questionably on critical matters, such as patent premature campaigning, or
the run of spouses to represent two adjacent districts in the House of
Representatives, or the scandalous designation of the Nacionalista Party, which
is allied with the ruling PDP-Laban, as the minority party.
In
the May 13 midterm elections, despite the passage of three years after the 2016
presidential election, and with billions of pesos at its disposal to act on
problems or avert looming ones, the Comelec was again confronted with the
goblins of Philippine elections: assassinations (although the number is said to
have been considerably lessened) and other acts of violence by armed men, as
well as vote-buying — what should have been, like measles or malaria, plagues
of the past.
On
top of the seven-hour period when
the Comelec’s transparency server
transmitted nothing to watchdog organizations and the media — inevitably
throwing suspicion at the rout of the opposition slate — glitches have been
added to Philippine elections’ guns, goons and gold.
As
many as 961 out of 85,000 vote-counting
machines (VMCs) and 1,165 secure digital (SD) cards “experienced issues,”
lamented Commissioner Rowena Guanzon.
These
kinks in what should by now be a smooth voting process provoked National
Citizens’ Movement for Free Elections secretary general Eric Alvia to wonder
aloud on TV: How many votes were compromised with the transmission of voting
data hampered by defective VCMs and SD cards?
And,
as though to indicate how far we’ve sunk as a nation, vote-buying reached new highs on the run-up to the midterm polls
and on Election Day itself.
The
widespread commission of the election offense, as reflected in the 441 reported apprehensions made by police
in Metro Manila and other regions nationwide, was remarkable, highlighted
by such anecdotal data as a rural bank running out of bank notes; staple wires
and brown envelopes in short supply; and the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino
Program serving as distribution base.
It’s
a disgrace, mirroring the extent to which candidates for public office would go
to gain votes and the apparently infinite ways they can get their money back
and more. It mirrors as well the level of need of the destitute — and in fact
even those whose existence is hardly hand-to-mouth.
…vote-buying was encouraged by no less than
President Duterte as he spoke at the campaign rally of the administration’s
Hugpong ng Pagbabago on Friday night, in the process assailing the Comelec for
its “unrealistic” regulations against politicians doling anything of value, in
cash or in kind, during a campaign.
In
the event they were accosted by authorities, he was quoted as saying, Hugpong
supporters should “just tell them you took the money, not for the vote, but
because you want your fare to get home.” In subsequent remarks, the President
said vote-buying had become the norm, that it was “integral” to elections in
this country.
…The
amounts used to buy votes reportedly ranged from P200 to P2,000. Some P2
million has been recovered in antivote-buying operations, according to
Philippine National Police Gen. Oscar Albayalde.
WAS
THERE TAMPERING AND MANIPULATION?
By:
Solita Collas-Monsod - @inquirerdotnet
Philippine
Daily Inquirer / 05:12 AM May 18, 2019
Is it possible that there was
tampering in the 2019 elections and manipulation of the results? I asked a
couple of IT experts. The answer was a resounding yes. It is
possible. Whether it actually happened
is another matter.
…The
Commission on Elections (Comelec), and most of the public, seem to think that
whether cheating actually happened depends on the results of the Election Return (ER) coming from the
clustered precincts as compared with the transmitted results. If they match,
there could not have been any tampering.
This
conclusion would be wrong, says a report to the Secretariat of the Joint
Congressional Oversight Committee (JCOC ) on the Automated Election System
(AES) Investigating the Conduct of the 2016 Elections. The statement comes out
on p. 17 of the 27-page report after the author, Jeff Ian C. Dy, had given a
“hypothetical” example of an attack on the vote-counting machines with matching
ER and transmitted results: “Thus, it is fallacious to assert that if the ER
and the transmitted results matched, the election results were not tampered
(sic).”
Who
is Jeff Dy? An IT expert who used to work with Smartmatic.
Dy
makes the point that tampering would have to be an inside job—which means
people inside Smartmatic-TIM, or the Comelec itself.
…The question is, how can election
manipulation happen?
According
to Lito Averia, an IT and election expert, one
way is to tamper with the “configuration files.” It works this way: A
ballot is aligned horizontally and vertically, and the coordinates where the
eggs to be shaded are placed, are then assigned to candidates. In our ballots,
you can see the eggs beside the candidates’ names, and those are what you mark.
If the configuration files are not tampered with, the files should reflect what
are on the ballot.
But
the candidate’s name on the ballot may not be what is reflected on the configuration
files. Say that location A1 in the
ballot is assigned to Acebedo. To reduce his vote, the configuration file A1 is
assigned to Salcedo, a weaker candidate, and vice versa. When the votes are
counted, Acebedo’s recorded votes would be less than his actual votes.
Who oversees the assignments in the
configuration files? Supposedly the Comelec, who looks over the shoulders
of Smartmatic-TIM. Inside job.
Another way is to pre-shade the
ballot (with invisible ink, which can be read by the VCM), betting that the
ballot is not filled up by the voter, as is usually the case. Inside job. This
is where the extra names in a ballot receipt come from. Voters should really
scrutinize their receipts (I did not, I forgot my glasses).
In
investigating the 2019 elections, the Senate should also inquire why Namfrel’s
(National Citizens’ Movement for Free Elections) request to the Comelec in
December 2018 was not answered until the end of April 2019, and why Namfrel was
not granted its request to access all the logs involved in the election
process. This was asked to facilitate the “forensics” needed to determine where
the irregularities occurred, if any.
I
believe in the integrity of Namfrel, and its being effectively marginalized in
this elections is, on its face, questionable.
COMELEC
VOUCHES FOR VCMS; PPCRV AUDIT SHOWS ‘NOTHING UNUSUAL’
By:
Carla P. Gomez, Melvin Gascon - @inquirerdotnet
Philippine
Daily Inquirer / 05:14 AM May 19, 2019
BACOLOD
CITY, NEGROS OCCIDENTAL, Philippines — The Commission on Elections (Comelec) on
Saturday vouched for the accuracy of the vote-counting machines (VCMs) used in
Monday’s midterm elections and said the results of the independent audit of the
Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting (PPCRV) would bear the poll body
out.
Early
results of the review of the electronic logs of vote transmission showed
“nothing unusual” that would support allegations of manipulation of results,
the PPCRV, a church-based election watchdog, said on Saturday.
PPCRV
chair Myla Villanueva said data from the Comelec’s transmission server had not
showed any signs that vote transmissions were tampered with, even during the
seven-hour interruption in the release of early poll results on Monday night.
“So
far our team of experts have not seen anything that is a cause for concern.
What we have seen is that data from the [VCMs] continued to come in even during
those seven hours that we were clueless as to what was going on,” Villanueva
told reporters.
…Activity
logs
On
Friday, the PPCRV’s team of IT experts began sifting through volumes of
activity logs, with special attention to the seven-hour period on Monday
evening when its tally board stopped receiving data beamed from VCMs across the
country.
According
to William Emmanuel Yu, a PPCRV board member and IT expert, early results of
the transparency server log’s audit showed normal activity even after the
broadcasting of data stalled around 6:14 p.m. on Monday.
He
showed reporters a graph comparing the rate of data transmission from the close
of voting on Monday to those of the past three automated elections in 2010,
2013 and 2016. He said it followed the usual curve.
Yu
said this could indicate that, contrary to the fears of some sectors, data
continued to be transmitted to the transparency server during the seven-hour
blackout.
He
supported earlier statements by the Comelec’s IT experts who said that the
problem was caused by a “Java error,”
which refers to a programming language used.
“That, for us, is the most feasible,
although that is too generic; Comelec has to provide more details,” Yu said.
Namfrel
challenge
The
National Citizens’ Movement for Free Elections (Namfrel) has challenged the
Comelec to addresss “transparency issues” that it said marred the country’s
fourth automated elections.
At
a press briefing on Saturday, Namfrel urged the poll body to disclose the
location of its central server data and asked why it could not provide public
access to open election data—or “data hidden in the machines that could reveal
election-related irregularities (or the lack thereof).”
“Security
by obscurity has no place in our elections. We should understand how our votes
are being counted,” said Namfrel chair Gus Lagman.
Lagman said “transparency is lost” in
automated counting.
He suggested manual counting at the precinct level that will then go through
automated transmission.
“The
VCMs are three years old, will we still use it in 2022? We have a very short
election cycle and there are a lot of issues [with the current system],” said
Lito Averia, national council member of Namfrel.
Tindig
Pilipinas coalition on Friday called on the poll body to explain what it said
were numerous irregularities that raised “questions on the integrity” of the
elections.
“We
call for complete accountability of the Comelec. We demand that a thorough investigation
of all these anomalies be conducted. We insist that we be given irrefutable
proof that our votes were properly counted,” Jozy Acosta-Nisperos, of The
Silent Majority said, in a statement.
—With
reports from Jaymee T. Gamil, Mariejo S. Ramos and Patricia Denise M. Chiu
Photo courtesy of Victorgrigas
ReplyDeletePhoto link:
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Wikimedia_Foundation_Servers-8055_35.jpg
Gonzalinho
PPCRV MANUAL AUDIT OF TRANSPARENCY SERVER ELECTRONIC RECEIPTS
ReplyDeleteTo detect and preclude possible dagdag-bawas in the electronic transmission of voter counting machine (VCM) precinct results to the COMELEC transparency server, the Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting (PPCRV) conducts its own separate manual audit of the hard copies of the VCM results.
begin
“To explain to the public, what we are doing is to answer that ever-big question and doubt in their mind, ‘what happens to my ballot after I stick it into the VCM (vote-counting machine)?’ Nobody sees that right?” PPCRV chair Myla Villanueva told CNN Philippines' The Source on Thursday.
“So to alleviate and assuage that concern, this process in UST (University of Santo Tomas) is assuring that no dagdag-bawas [cheating] is happening. There was not a hack and things are as it should be,” she added.
The PPCRV is entitled to the fourth copy of the transmitted election returns from the VCMs. Results are manually encoded to check if these match with the electronic results from the Comelec transparency server.
…In 2019, the election returns that they verified matched the data in the transparency server by 99.98%.
end
https://www.cnnphilippines.com/news/2022/5/12/PPCRV-volunteers-elections.html
—CNN Philippines Staff, “EXPLAINER: What PPCRV volunteers do after May 9 polls,” CNN Philippines, May 12, 2022
Gonzalinho