World Values Survey Map 2004 |
POLITICAL ECONOMY
“Political
economy” has been described by The Oxford
Handbook of Political Economy (2008) as “interdisciplinary studies drawing
upon economics, sociology and political science in explaining how political
institutions, the political environment, and the economic system—capitalist,
socialist, communist, or mixed—influence each other.”
It
is distinguished from “economics,” which is the analysis of the economy absent
from social and political considerations (to the extent that is at all
possible).
The
World Values Survey (WVS) series, which has been conducted since 1981, is a
good example of political economy. The findings and insights of the survey
series relate economic development to transformations in values and attitudes
worldwide.
Using
factor analysis to analyze survey responses, WVS identifies two underlying
variables:
-
Traditional vs. Secular-Rational Values
-
Survival vs. Self-Expression ValuesThe latest version (2010-2014) of the World Values Survey map is at this link:
—World Values Survey website
Basic positions of the cultural groups relative to each other remain the same.
Inspection of the World Values Survey map will reveal that the most prosperous countries are those in the upper right quadrant, namely, Western European countries. Also showing high economic performance are the Confucian countries of Japan, South Korea, and China.
Degrees in hand from Harvard, Oxford, and American University at Washington D.C., Zambian-born international economist Dambisa Moyo brings high intelligence and considerable knowledge to bear on issues of global political economy. Her approach is distinguished in this respect: she proposes changes in democratic political systems as solutions to economic problems, demonstrating the fundamental assumption that political and economic systems are inextricably intertwined, that is, that political economy is a coherent systemic whole.
In Edge of Chaos: Why Democracy Is Failing to Deliver Economic Growth—and How to Fix It (2018), she takes up the current global crisis of restive populations in democratic countries opting for autocratic rule in repudiation of liberal democracy. This development she attributes to two causes principally: weak economic growth and income inequality.
The principal critique of Moyo’s proposals to
address the economic failings of democracy focuses on their intention to undermine
democracy itself. Stephen Rattner in The
New York Times, for example, describes as “incredible” her proposal to
impose literacy tests on voters and to weight votes in favor of the educated
elite. The context of his exclamation:
Inspection of the World Values Survey map will reveal that the most prosperous countries are those in the upper right quadrant, namely, Western European countries. Also showing high economic performance are the Confucian countries of Japan, South Korea, and China.
A study that I conducted in 2010 affirms the above
observation by demonstrating the aforementioned relationship between culture
and economic performance:
“The direction of the associations indicates that
cultures which demonstrate attitudes that tend toward survival rather than
self-expression are more likely to be less democratic and more corrupt.
“Corruption is, thus, associated with poverty.
Ostensibly, prosperity allows people to focus beyond survival on the exercise
of their political and related freedoms, and it is the effective exercise of
the freedoms guaranteed by a democratic society that, presumably, checks
corruption.
“Cultures demonstrating attitudes that are more
traditional, less secular-rational are also more likely to be less democratic
and more corrupt. However, in contrast to the positive association between ‘survival’
attitudes and corruption, the association between ‘traditional’ attitudes and
corruption is weaker.”
See: https://oddsandendsgonzalinhodacosta.blogspot.com/2017/09/culture-corruption-and-prospects-for.html
In addition, this study shows that democratization
and associated changes in governance for the better reduces corruption, the
latter which is negatively associated with economic development:
“Time series analysis projects gradual change in
democracy and governance, and corruption measures, and gradual change at
relatively high levels of corruption at that.”
Other studies readily demonstrate the relationship between
good governance and economic advancement, for example:
“Throughout the article, the relation between the
governance indicators and the Human Development Level (HDL) is investigated.
The analysis is conducted by using Panel Data Regression Method. The valid
annual data of World Governance Index between the years 2002–2012 for 33 member
and candidate countries of European Union (EU) is collected from World Bank’s
official website. To measure HDL, data of Human Development Index (HDI) belonging
to 2002-2012 term is gathered from United Nations Development Programme’s
official website. The analysis concluded that, at least three of the governance
indicators as Government Effectiveness, Regulatory Quality and Rule of Law have
significant positive coefficients in the panel data regression model. It means
that better governance performance for any country provides better performance
at the HDL.”
See: (PDF) Governance and Human Development: The
Impacts of Governance Indicators on Human Development (January 2018) by Ahmet Keser
Available from:
—Ahmet Keser and Yunus Gökmen, “Governance and Human
Development: The Impacts of Governance Indicators on Human Development,” Journal of Public Administration and
Governance (January 2018) 8(1):26
The simple, straightforward conclusion: good governance advances economic development.
EDGE OF CHAOS
Degrees in hand from Harvard, Oxford, and American University at Washington D.C., Zambian-born international economist Dambisa Moyo brings high intelligence and considerable knowledge to bear on issues of global political economy. Her approach is distinguished in this respect: she proposes changes in democratic political systems as solutions to economic problems, demonstrating the fundamental assumption that political and economic systems are inextricably intertwined, that is, that political economy is a coherent systemic whole.
In Edge of Chaos: Why Democracy Is Failing to Deliver Economic Growth—and How to Fix It (2018), she takes up the current global crisis of restive populations in democratic countries opting for autocratic rule in repudiation of liberal democracy. This development she attributes to two causes principally: weak economic growth and income inequality.
“A
generation after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the world is once again on the
edge of chaos. Demonstrations have broken out from Belgium to Brazil led by
angry citizens demanding a greater say in their political and economic future,
better education, healthcare and living standards. The bottom line of this
outrage is the same; people are demanding their governments do more to improve
their lives faster, something which policymakers are unable to deliver under
conditions of anemic growth. Rising income inequality and a stagnant economy
are threats to both the developed and the developing world, and leaders can no
longer afford to ignore this gathering storm.”
—“Book Description:
Edge of Chaos by Dambisa Moyo,” little, brown website
Moyo
observes democracies have the capacity to redress income inequality.
“As
Moyo notes, left to its own devices, capitalism produces income inequality.
This, however, is within the power of governments to redress. While inequality
has risen in Europe as well, progressive taxation and robust social safety nets
have kept the gap there manageable.”
—Stephen
Rattner, “Dambisa Moyo’s Proposals for Saving Democracy,” The New York Times (June 7, 2018)
On
the other hand, rousing democracies from the economic doldrums is problematic. No
ready formula exists for attaining vigorous and sustained economic growth, which,
according to Moyo, is the crux of the solution to the present political tumult.
Her principal thrust in the book consists in advancing proposals to retool political systems so that democracies realize this type of growth. She proposes ten reforms of liberal democratic systems:
Her principal thrust in the book consists in advancing proposals to retool political systems so that democracies realize this type of growth. She proposes ten reforms of liberal democratic systems:
- Bind
governments and their successors more firmly to public policies in order to
ensure the continuity of those policies, reducing uncertainty and bolstering economic
growth.
- Decrease the undue influence of wealthy voters on
elections and on public policies dependent on electoral outcomes by regulating
campaign contributions.
- Improve the quality of the terms of public service
by increasing the compensation of politicians so that it is competitive with
that of the private sector. Increases should be linked to individual performance
and deferred during the term of office, possibly being paid only at the end,
and reward the advancement of broadly beneficial long-term goals.
- Extend terms of office to approximately six
years, corresponding to a typical business cycle, so that the politicians are
motivated to deliver economic growth over the same period.
- Impose term limits so that politicians are
held adequately accountable and do not become entrenched, authoritarian, and complacent.
- Require politicians standing for office to get “real-world” experience in “nonpolitical” jobs so that they develop an adequate understanding of society and the economy.
- Require politicians standing for office to get “real-world” experience in “nonpolitical” jobs so that they develop an adequate understanding of society and the economy.
- Foster competitive elections to the legislature
by reducing the number of uncontested seats and by resisting gerrymandering.
- Make voting compulsory in order to broaden the
electoral base and increase voter turnout.
- Educate voters and establish minimum voter
qualifications with respect to knowledge about key public policy issues.
- Introduce weighted voting based on professional
standing, educational attainment, civics test performance, age—indicating,
presumably, life experience—and other similar attributes.
“Turning to politics, Moyo documents how trust in
government has fallen as polarization and gridlock have risen. For this, she
blames ‘short-termism.’ Eager to win elections, politicians make decisions to
maximize voter support rather than those that would do the most for long-term
growth. Meanwhile, in Washington, gridlock has slowed action to a crawl.
“It was not always thus and Moyo takes a valiant
stab at explaining why. She cites the move in recent years toward more
laissez-faire capitalism, the rise of the 24-hour news cycle, the emergence of
social media and a shift in power toward corporations and wealthy
philanthropists. Gerrymandering and an avalanche of political money, for both
electoral campaigns and lobbying, are additional (and related) flaws.
“These and other villains dance across her stage
before Moyo unveils her proposed fixes, all designed to reform the American
political system so that capitalism can flourish. They number 10, from the
incontrovertible (getting money out of politics) to the incredible (imposing
what amounts to literacy tests on would-be voters and weighting voting toward “the
best-informed segment of the electorate”). Her other ideas include longer terms
for elected officials coupled with term limits, less gerrymandering and
mandatory voting. There are oddities as well, like restricting the ability of
successor governments to modify long-term agreements entered into by their
predecessors and setting minimum qualifications for officeholders.
“Helpfully, Moyo includes as an appendix a chart
showing how 14 leading countries rank in terms of her goals for reforming
democracy. By her tally, unsteady Mexico ranks at the top (having achieved five
of Moyo’s milestones) while Europe’s economic engine, Germany, ranks at the
bottom, with a goose egg.”
—Stephen
Rattner, “Dambisa Moyo’s Proposals for Saving Democracy,” The New York Times (June 7, 2018)
In a more developed exposition, James
Crabtree in The Financial Times says
something similar:
“As a remedy, Moyo presents a manifesto of 10 fixes
to counter ‘the corrosive short-termism that has beset the democratic process’.
The first eight are moderately interesting, ranging from campaign-finance
reforms to electoral cycles that last longer than five years.
“But the final two certainly catch the eye: first
introducing minimum voting requirements, for instance by requiring voters to
pass a civics test; and then weighted voting, meaning a system in which those
judged to be more qualified would see their votes count for more than those who
do not.
“It seems odd to try and fix what ails democracy by
doing away with one of its few elements that still commands almost universal
approval — the egalitarian principle.
“Taken together, Moyo claims, these two reforms
could create ‘three tiers of voters’: unqualified, standard qualified and
highly qualified. The result would be ‘a fully informed and participating
electorate’ capable of taking the difficult, long-term decisions needed to
rekindle economic vitality.
“…The idea of weighted voting itself isn’t absurd:
it is often used in the corporate world, for instance, to give extra oomph to
different classes of shareholders. Even so, it seems odd to try and fix what
ails democracy by doing away with one of its few elements that still commands
almost universal approval — the egalitarian principle that every citizen’s vote
should count equally.
“Proposals to give extra weight to educated voters
seem especially wrong-headed. The divide between those with university degrees
and those without is already one of the deepest in western democracies, and
among the most reliable predictors of voters’ views on Brexit or US president
Donald Trump.
“Moyo insists hers would in fact be a ‘truly
meritocratic’ system, in the sense that all citizens should at least have the
chance to win enhanced status. Yet putting all that to one side, her proposal
fails even on its own terms. ‘Democracy dominated by the ill-informed many can
also prove hazardous to growth,’ she argues. Yet it is far from obvious that
tilting voting in favour of existing elites would actually see them support wise,
long-term policies, rather than their own narrow short-term interests. The idea
that changes to electoral rules will reliably lead to an increase in long-run
growth seems fanciful.
“…Yet the answer to these problems of short-termism
are unlikely to be found by introducing divisive voting reforms that would hurt
the interests of those who already feel voiceless. Indeed, in a moment of
popular anger against elites, few proposals seem more precisely targeted to
bring about just the kind of popular revolt against democratic capitalism that
Moyo says she is ostensibly trying to prevent.”
—In “Should Democracy Favor the Elite?” The Financial Times (May 1, 2018)
Pointedly, Peter Coy in Bloomberg.com argues:
Pointedly, Peter Coy in Bloomberg.com argues:
“As
is often the case, though, Moyo’s solutions aren’t as persuasive as her
diagnosis. If you think about it, even devoted democrats draw the line
somewhere on ballot box access: The right to vote is generally denied to
prisoners, children, noncitizens, and people judged mentally incompetent. But
imagine the envy and anger that would be unleashed if voting power were based
on profession or education. Who would decide how to divide the public into
first-, second-, and third-class citizens? Would biology professors be
certified as ‘highly qualified’ but high school history teachers ranked ‘standard
qualified’? What about journalists vs. carpenters vs. actors vs. the
unemployed? And how much of the public would be consigned to the lowest tier of
‘unqualified’ voters—would it be 1 percent or 10 percent or more?
“A
civics test seems a more defensible way to implement weighted voting, but not
really. It implicitly equates knowledge with good judgment, which experience
tells us isn’t a sound equation. As the conservative writer William F. Buckley
Jr. once said, ‘I’d rather entrust the government of the United States to the
first 400 people listed in the Boston telephone directory than to the faculty
of Harvard University.’
“In
the end, Moyo comes across as a well-meaning meritocrat. Democracy has its
flaws, all right, but elitism isn’t the way to cure them.”
—Peter Coy,
“To Save Democracy, This Economist Wants to Kill Its Core Principle,” Bloomberg.com, April 19, 2018
Where does the Philippines fit in this picture?
The Philippines is a country in the lower half of global development rankings. Although it is not a bottom dweller, the country is poor nonetheless. In no small measure, the reasons for the economic state of the Philippines are cultural and political.
The Philippines belongs to the Latin American cluster of countries, which is notorious for underdevelopment. On the other hand, three countries in Latin America have as of this writing risen in the assessment of the World Bank to the status of “high-income economies”—Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay.
Where does the Philippines fit in this picture?
The Philippines is a country in the lower half of global development rankings. Although it is not a bottom dweller, the country is poor nonetheless. In no small measure, the reasons for the economic state of the Philippines are cultural and political.
The Philippines belongs to the Latin American cluster of countries, which is notorious for underdevelopment. On the other hand, three countries in Latin America have as of this writing risen in the assessment of the World Bank to the status of “high-income economies”—Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay.
Latin American countries tend to have high scores in “Traditional
Values” and moderate scores in “Self-Expression Values.” The former in
particular consists of cultural values and attitudes associated with
underdevelopment.
High “Traditional Values” and “Survival Values” are positively associated
with negative political attributes, specifically, weak democratization—which
goes hand in hand with deleterious authoritarianism—degraded governance, and
higher levels of corruption.
Philippine economic performance will significantly improve if the
country moves in the direction of stronger democratization, better governance, and
lower levels of corruption, all attainable outcomes. They are advanced by
political actors, particularly by the Philippine voting population itself, which
is responsible for putting political leaders into office.
In the spirit of Dambisa Moyo, the Philippine people have it in
themselves to bring about their economic advancement through political action. Will
the Philippine people take charge of their own destiny and work the levers of
political economy for the better?
Image courtesy of Koyos
ReplyDeleteImage link: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Inglehart_Values_Map.svg
Gonzalinho
POLITICS AND STUPIDITY
ReplyDeleteInquirer.net
05:03 AM October 23, 2018
Let me begin by citing a quotation attributed to Napoleon Bonaparte: “In politics stupidity is not a handicap.”
Our attention was caught by the news item, “Lacson warns aspirants against political insanity” (Inquirer.net, 10/17/18).
The filing of candidacies for the 2019 elections has ignited the simmering heat in the minds of both aspiring candidates and the electorate.
People in this country are so passionate about elections, like children during Christmas, so that campaign seasons have always been festive.
Elective positions in this country have become the most lucrative vocation. Candidates spend during the few weeks of the campaign period much more than they could lawfully earn in their entire term, should they win.
To the uninitiated, the mad rush to run for office is hard to understand given the legal “return on investment” aspirants may later acquire.
But this is the Philippines, where political parties lack ideological grounds to base their advocacy on. Gone are the days when there were only two official parties, Nacionalista and Liberal, patterned after the Republican and Democratic parties in the United States.
Those were the days when candidates were measured by qualifications such as education and advocacies.
But dictator Marcos declared martial law and banned political parties. That was the death of democracy.
He would later allow political parties to be formed. This led to the rise of several parties that were too small to dent the dominant one Marcos created.
With the media under strict government control then, no other parties or political personalities were able to rise to public awareness.
This eventually led to the formation of parties based on popularity and not on qualifications. Thus, we now see popular film and sports personalities being fielded because of their “winnability.”
The stupidity of many voters results in stupid candidates getting elected into office. This is insanity, pure and simple. Napoleon must have foreseen the fate of the Philippines almost 200 years after his time.
RAMON MAYUGA,
ramon.mayuga49@gmail.com
Read more: https://opinion.inquirer.net/116931/politics-and-stupidity#ixzz5WPQ5boJR
Gonzalinho
Successful democracy in the Philippines entails deeply inculcating democratic values and attitudes in the Philippine people through a systematic process of formal education critically combined with building and strengthening democratic institutions at all levels and branches of government. A good theoretical education is undone when it is contradicted by bad governance in practice. The economic benefits of robust democratic governance has to be felt in practice through intelligent economic policies and programs resulting in inclusive economic development. Enlightened, sensible social spending is part and parcel of an inclusive economic agenda.
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