GOOD GOVERNANCE IS HARD TO FIND
OUR BIGGEST BLOCK
By:
Cielito F. Habito - @inquirerdotnet
Philippine
Daily Inquirer / 05:22 AM August 03, 2018
Politics
is like cholesterol. It can be good or bad, but it’s the latter that gets all
the attention because its effects are far more conspicuous and damaging. I have
long been describing politics to be our national malady. With the way bad
politics and bad politicians pervade in this country, “pestilence” may be the
more proper term.
A
recent Inquirer editorial concluded: “If the country doesn’t look out, politics
may yet again prove to be the economy’s undoing.” It quoted Moody’s Investors
Service in pointing to the
administration’s push for federalism as a “downside risk” for the economy.
Moody’s had added that President Duterte’s “contentious policies on law and
order,” along with various political controversies, are harming the
Philippines’ attractiveness to financial and real investors alike.
I’m
often led to conclude that politics, especially the deeply divisive kind that
our current leaders seem to be foisting on us on a daily basis, has been the
greatest obstacle to strengthening our economy and building our national
character. The political sideshow that accompanied the President’s recent State
of the Nation Address put in stark focus the dark side of our politics, played
out in a vital political institution by self-serving individuals claiming to be
representatives of the people.
As I
continue moving around Mindanao on work to track the economic outlook for the
island region, I encounter much cynicism about its economic future in the face
of the persistent prominence of politicians of the wrong kind. We’ve heard the
typical stories time and again.
There
are local chief executives whose first question to a would-be large investor in
his municipality is “What’s in it for me?”—and throws hurdles in the latter’s
way if the answer is not to their liking. There are those who demand having
some stake in the business of the prospective investor. And there are those who
systematically acquire businesses in their locality while in power, through
means both fair and foul, and end up controlling most key businesses in the
town or province by the time they complete the maximum three terms as chief
executive. There are those who use the annual business permit renewal as
leverage to extract favors from the firms they host, in the form of supply
contracts, jobs for close relatives, cronies or friends, or, at worst, outright
bribes masquerading as arbitrary and spurious fees and charges.
One
dictionary defines politics as “the activities associated with the governance
of a country or other geographical area, especially the debate or conflict
among individuals or parties having or hoping to achieve power.” Politics need
not be a bad word, then, the way it has come to be widely regarded. I remember
how, as adviser to past presidential candidate Eddie Villanueva, I would hear
him express the need to transform “politics” from being a bad word in the
Filipino vocabulary, to one that carries a positive connotation.
What
the country and its people have long needed is principled politics—the kind built on the principle that power is to be wielded in pursuit of the common good, and
that power ultimately resides in the
people, not in the leaders they vest with it.
We need
political parties that are not mere labels and vehicles for self-serving
politicians to attain and maintain power, but proponents of distinct and consistent principles and philosophies to
guide our collective pursuit of the
common good. We need a leader who can rally the people he serves in a
unified pursuit of their shared ideals and aspirations—not one who imposes his
peculiar preferences, prejudices and personality quirks in an errant pursuit of
dubious goals.
Politics must complement sound economics, and not get in its way, toward uplifting
the common good. It’s not the government structure that needs to change;
rather, it’s our dysfunctional politicians and the bad politics they foster.
Unless and until we have politicians who put the common good above self-gain,
politics will remain our biggest block to creating far more jobs and
livelihoods, and sustaining vibrant growth in an economy that draws from
everyone’s energies and uplifts the wellbeing of all.
“Political economy” has been described by The Oxford Handbook of Political Economy (2008) as “interdisciplinary studies drawing upon economics, sociology and political science in explaining how political institutions, the political environment, and the economic system—capitalist, socialist, communist, or mixed—influence each other.”
We cannot separate the economic performance of the Philippines from the influence of political activity and systems and from issues of good governance. All are inextricably—even intimately—related.
DUTERTENOMICS IN PERSPECTIVE
By:
Richard Heydarian - @inquirerdotnet
Philippine
Daily Inquirer / 05:05 AM July 03, 2018
We live
in interesting times. Over the past week, I have had the distinct privilege of
having to respond to a relatively strident press release from the Department of
Finance (DOF) on a recent article of mine published by the Tokyo-based Nikkei
Asian Review (June 21).
Thus,
my decision to dedicate this week’s article to the Philippine economy,
postponing the second part of my planned articles discussing what I believe is
lacking in Vice President Leni Robredo’s political narrative. The economy is
also a timely topic as we enter the third year of Mr. Duterte’s presidency.
Surely,
the economy isn’t in total “doldrums” (June 24), as President Duterte recently
claimed. Our Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth rate is well within the 6-7
percent target, making the Philippines among the faster-growing economies in
the world. Our infrastructure spending as a percentage of GDP is set to breach
the 5 percent milestone, a historic high. And revenue generation has also
improved, as new tax measures gain pace.
But the
overall story is a bit more complicated. In my June 21 piece, I raised concerns
over the Philippine peso (weakest in nearly 12 years), rising inflation
(breaching the 4 percent target of the government) widening current account
deficit ($2.5 billion, highest in 18 years), and the drop in new foreign
investment pledges (down by 51.8 percent in 2017 and 37.9 percent in first
quarter of this year).
The DOF alleged that my piece was based on
“generalizations [that] are erroneous and not backed up by accurate
statistics.” Yet they didn’t rebut the
veracity of even a single figure I used in my article.
All the
figures and data used in my column were thoroughly fact-checked (anyone who
writes for world-class publications should know this) and, crucially, are based
on data provided by the Philippine government itself, namely the National
Economic and Development Authority, Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP), and
Philippine Statistics Authority.
Interestingly,
it was the DOF’s own statement that appears to have escaped proper
fact-checking. It got the currency picture flatly wrong (Philippine peso was at
P55.57/$US1 in 2003, not in 2013!). This was subsequently corrected, likely
after I and others pointed it out to them on their website.
Gladly,
however, some senior DOF technocrats reached out and shared alternative and
additional data to me to pitch a more nuanced picture of the Philippine
economy. Our economic managers gave the assurance that the inflation picture
(average of 4.1 percent in first half of this year) is still manageable to
below the 4-percent upper limit before the end of the year, despite the recent
upsurge which had prompted new interest rate adjustments by the BSP.
Of
course, I also agree that a weak currency has its advantages, that’s why
mercantilist nations artificially and deliberately undervalue their currency.
But, in the case of the Philippines, I would be glad to see how exactly this
has helped our export sector, which has suffered four consecutive months of
contraction this year so far.
Moreover,
a weak currency raises the cost of food and energy imports as well as
foreign-denominated debt. This, combined with new taxes, may partly explain our
inflationary upsurge in recent months.
According
to London-based BMI Research, “the Philippine peso continues to be the worst
performing currency in the region,” while London-based Capital Economics has
warned about a “big increase in inflation [f]ollowing the increase in taxes at
the start of the year.”
The DOF
is correct to highlight the increase in “approved” FDI recently, a record-high
$10 billion in 2017 and growing by 44 percent in the first quarter of 2018.
Yet, “pledges” of investments are also an important indicator of business
confidence in the country; our officials, after all, make a big deal of it
whenever President Duterte secures huge “pledges” of investments on his trips
to China, Japan, South Korea, etc.
A weakening currency, rising inflation, the drop in investment pledges—all these can’t be explained by exogenous factors alone. So what
explains these strains on our economy?
In its
latest report, Capital Economics argued that “a longer term concern is
Duterte’s erratic and crass leadership style, which is showing signs of putting
off investors.” That’s an almost exact echo of the concern I raised in my
Nikkei Asian Review article. I wonder if Capital Economics will receive a press
release, too.
Question: “So what explains these strains on
our economy?”
Answer: BAD GOVERNANCE
GRUMPY
OLD MEN
By:
Manuel L. Quezon III - @inquirerdotnet
Philippine
Daily Inquirer / 05:26 AM July 11, 2018
The
week began with an analysis in the Financial Times that says the peso is likely
to weaken some more, with two trends contributing to this weakening. The first
is a slowdown in the growth of remittances from abroad (remittances from the
Middle East have actually been decreasing); and, second, a similar slowdown in
the growth of the BPO sector.
A
weaker peso also drives up the costs of manufacturing, affecting exports, while
imports are expected to increase if government manages to embark on the
infrastructure it’s promised, widening the trade gap. Companies that borrowed
when the peso was stronger, and foreign currency cheaper, now have added
interest costs. And if the central bank increases the cost of lending to
counter inflation, there’s less credit to be had, slowing down business
expansion.
The
Financial Times analysis says rising prices has hit the poor the hardest, while
the middle class has been “cushioned” from the effects of price increases due
to the reduction in income tax under TRAIN 1. But if anecdotal evidence is any
guide, talk in business circles of an increase in the repossession rate of cars
suggests that this cushioning may be more theoretical than real. What is less a
matter of conjecture and more of an observable trend is that investment pledges
are down, as expansion plans or new projects are put on hold to see whether
TRAIN 2 (which the business community seems to widely oppose, at least in terms
of the components that would scrap investor incentives) pans out or not.
As it
is, business, which had been interested in political proposals only to the
extent that they help or hinder the economy, can’t be too happy about the
consultative committee on Charter change appointed by the President. The
committee essentially retained the economic provisions that business had wanted
scrapped. Without any loosening of the economy, all a new constitution would
signal to business is that, aside from the extortions of the national
government and mulcting by the local government, a third level—the regions or
federal states—would now enter the picture, eager to milk the already sore
udders of businessmen large or small.
And
this, in fact, is the realization that’s dawning on business people: Where
formerly people could discount political risk because it was considered
divorced from commercial risk, we’re sliding toward a lose-lose situation where
political and commercial risks are increasing.
Over
the past couple of years, there used to be a kind of conventional wisdom that was applicable to domestic events. However
chaotic, crazy or disruptive the political players seemed to be, the economic
managers, according to this conventional wisdom, were prudent, responsible and
dedicated to continuity. In other words, this thinking went, the country had
the best of both worlds: an administration whose president knew how to play to
the gallery, thus maintaining national morale, but who had the fortuitous
combination of ignorance and lack of interest in economic matters to leave well
enough alone.
This
belief began to be shaken when the President began using the economic team to
help in his political agenda, and when the economic team incautiously used the
President as a blunt instrument to accomplish its plans. Mighty, Mile Long,
TRAIN, to name just a few incidents, might still be excusable, except success
in these fronts seems to have fostered a sense of infallibility that began to
manifest itself in what business considered weird behavior on the part of the
economic managers.
A
particularly disastrous performance—because unsettling, with its perceived
petulance and angry old man unreasonableness—by the secretary of finance in
Singapore, combined with similarly blithe, antique behavior on the part of the
budget and economic planning secretaries, began to make businessmen think the
conventional wisdom all along was wrong.
The country is neither prudent, nor all that responsible, nor committed to
continuity.
We’re
entering uncharted waters, politically and, to a certain extent, economically,
under increasingly erratic, geriatric command.
IS
KILLING PEOPLE AN ACCOMPLISHMENT?
By: Rufa Cagoco-Guiam - @inquirerdotnet
Philippine Daily Inquirer / 05:04 AM July 16, 2018
If so, then President Duterte and the people he has appointed to implement his war on drugs can rightly claim to have put up a stellar performance last year, which might even be surpassed this year. This deserves rousing applause if he lists this as his top accomplishment in his forthcoming State of the Nation Address this month.
As of Nov. 27, 2017, the Philippine National Police reported it had killed 3,967 drug “personalities” and arrested 118,287 individuals after conducting 79,193 “legitimate” antidrug operations. Human rights groups dispute this number; they put the number of extrajudicial killings in the name of the war on drugs to be at least six to seven times more than the PNP’s figures.
…From 2013, the allocation for so-called “confidential and intelligence funds” remained stable at only P500 million until the end of former president Noynoy Aquino’s term. But starting 2017, President Duterte was given a whopping P2.5 billion for the same purpose. In one year, the amount of “intelligence” funds Mr. Duterte’s administration spent was equivalent to what his predecessor spent in six years.
Trust is important in the use of such huge funds; the Commission on Audit cannot subject them to the same stringent scrutiny it applies to all other government expenditures.
…After the Marawi siege had dragged on for five months, government spokespersons reverted to a lame excuse—that there was a “failure of intelligence” in miscalculating the terrorists’ armed strength and geographical range.
So was the use of the “intelligence” funds intelligent, in the real sense of the word?
Killing people, many of whom may not be guilty of what they were suspected to be, is a distorted measure of performance or accomplishment, especially for an administration with such a huge “intelligence” budget. Maybe it is high time to rename the funds. That money could be better used to support serious, genuinely intelligent studies on why the number of people in the drug trade has not abated, and why there is terrorism in the first place.
“A government of values and principles is degraded by a regime of patronage and corruption.”
“Populism is an incomplete and degenerate form of democracy.”
“Good governance is hard to find.”
By: Rufa Cagoco-Guiam - @inquirerdotnet
Philippine Daily Inquirer / 05:04 AM July 16, 2018
If so, then President Duterte and the people he has appointed to implement his war on drugs can rightly claim to have put up a stellar performance last year, which might even be surpassed this year. This deserves rousing applause if he lists this as his top accomplishment in his forthcoming State of the Nation Address this month.
As of Nov. 27, 2017, the Philippine National Police reported it had killed 3,967 drug “personalities” and arrested 118,287 individuals after conducting 79,193 “legitimate” antidrug operations. Human rights groups dispute this number; they put the number of extrajudicial killings in the name of the war on drugs to be at least six to seven times more than the PNP’s figures.
…From 2013, the allocation for so-called “confidential and intelligence funds” remained stable at only P500 million until the end of former president Noynoy Aquino’s term. But starting 2017, President Duterte was given a whopping P2.5 billion for the same purpose. In one year, the amount of “intelligence” funds Mr. Duterte’s administration spent was equivalent to what his predecessor spent in six years.
Trust is important in the use of such huge funds; the Commission on Audit cannot subject them to the same stringent scrutiny it applies to all other government expenditures.
…After the Marawi siege had dragged on for five months, government spokespersons reverted to a lame excuse—that there was a “failure of intelligence” in miscalculating the terrorists’ armed strength and geographical range.
So was the use of the “intelligence” funds intelligent, in the real sense of the word?
Killing people, many of whom may not be guilty of what they were suspected to be, is a distorted measure of performance or accomplishment, especially for an administration with such a huge “intelligence” budget. Maybe it is high time to rename the funds. That money could be better used to support serious, genuinely intelligent studies on why the number of people in the drug trade has not abated, and why there is terrorism in the first place.
MINDANAO’S
STOCKHOLM SYNDROME
By: DLS
Pineda - @inquirerdotnet
Philippine
Daily Inquirer / 05:20 AM July 11, 2018
Signs
seem to point to a looming nationwide martial law. Mayors are being shot in
broad daylight; the inflation rate is at 5.2 percent; the Consultative
Committee has turned in a draft charter that might, for its largely secretive
and suspicious nature, only cause further disorder and alarm; and, ultimately,
we still have a loose cannon for a President.
Ask,
however, almost everyone here in Agusan, and they’ll tell you that there’s
nothing wrong with martial law; in fact, it should be declared everywhere else
in the country.
They’ll
tell you it’s peaceful here. Fewer “tambays” and “adiks,” and more men in
uniform. Mindanao, an island that, historically, has hardly felt the national
government and has at some points even thought of breaking away from the
country, has finally felt Manila showing it tough love with a declaration of an
overstaying martial law. Pretty soon, Mindanao, sick with Stockholm syndrome, will be the first to support the President’s
formal declaration of a nationwide martial law. It will pat Luzon and the Visayas
on the back and say, “It’s gonna be okay.”
But the
“peace” martial law has provided us is really no different from the “peace”
we’ve had for quite some time now. The “lumad” remain under the close
surveillance of the military and mining companies. The same swift and quiet
silencing of opposition figures, dissenters and activists exists. It’s basically
a rerun of the scenario of the poor getting poorer and the rich getting into
office. Martial law hasn’t brought us the change our Davaoeño President
promised.
…There
are many things wrong with martial law here in Mindanao, but not many will—or
can—talk about it. For a lot of us, it’s just that new checkpoint at the city
border, or that spot inspection by men with guns who search your bag for
whatever they might find suspicious. These are but minor inconveniences. But
the opportunities that we no longer allow ourselves to take now are
opportunities gone from us forever. It is through this fear that martial law
reigns.
Many
Manileños argue that, even without Duterte’s formal declaration of martial law
over the entire Philippines, it’s already in place now. I differ—it will be
worse. On our 408th day under martial law, I’ve realized how imprisoning it is,
this imposition to say yes to whatever our government says. It’s a whole lot of
fluff and much less talk, and, pretty soon, you’ll hear nothing from us.
DLS
Pineda teaches at Father Saturnino Urios University, Butuan City. After
finishing his undergraduate and master’s degree in UP Diliman, he decided to
reside in his father’s hometown in Agusan del Norte.
“Degrade
the rule of law and reap the consequences of a lawless society.”
“Under
a tyranny the law is misused as an instrument of injustice, persecution,
repression, and oppression.”
“Correctly
construed, the rule of law protects and upholds human rights and our God-given
freedoms.”
“The
rule of law creates, builds, and sustains just societies.”
“The
law used to perpetrate crime and to sanction impunity for crime is the misrule
of law.”
“The government that lacks transparency evades accountability and in all probability has something to hide.”
“Genuine democracy, which subsists in the democratic values and principles internalized by the people, is subverted when criminal leaders controvert the laws embodying the people’s deepest aspirations for freedom from tyranny.”
“Genuine democracy, which subsists in the democratic values and principles internalized by the people, is subverted when criminal leaders controvert the laws embodying the people’s deepest aspirations for freedom from tyranny.”
“A government of values and principles is degraded by a regime of patronage and corruption.”
“Democracy is a work in progress, fascism a work in regress.”
“Good governance is hard to find.”
Why can’t some people accept the fact that NOT ALL OF US Filipinos
belong to the two tiny, self-centred camps of “Dilawan” and DDS. The vast
majority of us Filipinos only want the best for our country, and couldn’t care
less about your petty partisan politics.—Richard Heydarian, May 18, 2018
Public domain photo
ReplyDeletePhoto link:
https://so.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:President_Rodrigo_Duterte_080816.jpg
Gonzalinho
We have to recognize that a major part of the problem of degenerate governance is the population itself. This is the same population—in terms of cultural values and attitudes—that elected Estrada president. And Estrada was as corrupt as they come. It is this same population that today supports the psychopath Duterte in office. What has to change is the attitude of the population and their support for Duterte the mass murderer. Unless the Philippine people change the way they operate our political system, this continuing problem of a massively corrupt pervasively weak democracy will persist through generations.
ReplyDeleteGonzalinho
Bonhoeffer, On Stupidity, from Letters and Papers from Prison:
ReplyDelete“Upon closer observation, it becomes apparent that every strong upsurge of power in the public sphere, be it of a political or a religious nature, infects a large part of humankind with stupidity. … The power of the one needs the stupidity of the other. The process at work here is not that particular human capacities, for instance, the intellect, suddenly atrophy or fail. Instead, it seems that under the overwhelming impact of rising power, humans are deprived of their inner independence and, more or less consciously, give up establishing an autonomous position toward the emerging circumstances. The fact that the stupid person is often stubborn must not blind us to the fact that he is not independent. In conversation with him, one virtually feels that one is dealing not at all with him as a person, but with slogans, catchwords, and the like that have taken possession of him. He is under a spell, blinded, misused, and abused in his very being. Having thus become a mindless tool, the stupid person will also be capable of any evil and at the same time incapable of seeing that it is evil. This is where the danger of diabolical misuse lurks, for it is this that can once and for all destroy human beings.”
Gonzalinho
POLITICS OF PRINCIPLE
ReplyDeleteNene Pimentel, who passed away on October 20, 2019, was a prominent leader of the political opposition to the Marcos regime. He exemplified the politics of principle, for which he was cited and extolled by Bishop Antonio J. Ledesma, S.J. during a funerary homily delivered at the politician’s wake. Pimentel’s political views might not always have been the most commendable—his support for federalism, for example, is seriously disputable because in my opinion federalism dangerously weakens the unity of the Philippine nation-state—but whenever he advocated a political position it was ultimately based on principle and not on considerations arising from political patronage, or worse, the influence of corruption.
The letter to the Inquirer editor copied below illustrates this ethos.
TWO INCIDENTS THAT STAND OUT IN NENE PIMENTEL’S POLITICAL LIFE
Philippine Daily Inquirer
04:02 AM October 30, 2019
Two incidents indelibly stand out in my memory of Nene Pimentel. The first happened shortly before the start of the 1992 presidential campaign, when he ran for vice president in tandem with presidential candidate Jovy Salonga. The Koalisyong Pambansa (KP) was forged by PDP-Laban led by Nene and the Liberal Party (LP) by Jovy.
Even at the start of the campaign, the coalition was cash-strapped. This was mainly because both LP and PDP-Laban had taken a public stand against the 1991 extension of the US military bases in Clark and Subic. In fact, Jovy, who was Senate president, and Nene, who was a senator, were among the “Magnificent 12” who voted against their extension when the treaty came before the Senate.
Well-meaning businessmen-friends of Nene and Jovy urged them to stay mum in the campaign trail on the historic Senate vote to encourage financial contributions. In several conversations of the two at which I happened to be present, Nene would say: “Jovy, let us rather be right than elected in this election. Let us proudly explain to the people our stand on the bases.”
The second incident was shortly after the campaign began, when an unexpected offer came from Malacañang — an opportunity for a bailout from the coalition’s financial distress although at a stiff price. The surveys had consistently shown Miriam Defensor Santiago with an insurmountable lead over the administration candidate Fidel Ramos of Lakas-NUCD, whose vice presidential aspirant was Emilio “Lito” Osmeña of Promdi.
Thus, President Cory Aquino, through a trusted emissary, offered Jovy to absorb 12 of the 24 senatorial lineup of KP, provided Jovy and Nene withdraw in favor of Ramos and Osmeña. Realizing the financial crunch in which the KP was in, Jovy was willing to sacrifice. When he privately consulted KP’s 24 senatorial candidates, they let him decide which 12 of them would join if the offer were accepted. Jovy, however, out of his high regard for Nene, did not want to decide for him. He chose to let Nene decide for himself.
One early evening, Jovy met with Nene on the second floor of Jovy’s Pasig residence. He asked me to be present. Jovy informed Nene of Malacañang’s offer even while he explained to him KP’s dire financial situation.
Nene’s response was curt and direct to the point. “Jovy, tuloy tayo kahit wala tayong pera,” he said. “Manindigan tayo at maglakad kung kailangan maglakad.”
Jovy stood up, shook hands with Nene and said not another word.
RAUL A. DAZA
LP Secretary-General, 1986-1994
LP President, 1994-1998
rauldaza1935@gmail.com
Link: https://opinion.inquirer.net/124898/two-incidents-that-stand-out-in-nene-pimentels-political-life
Gonzalinho