THE VAGARIES OF THE PHILIPPINE JUSTICE SYSTEM
Dependable court system for federal government
By Hermenegildo C. Cruz
...In the United States, a Supreme Court is classified as composed of
either conservatives (strict constructionists in interpreting the law) or
judicial activists (who tend to legislate from the bench). The Philippine
Supreme Court is neither. In the plunder case involving Juan Ponce Enrile and
in the citizenship case involving Grace Poe, the Court was activist. But in the
Torre de Manila and the Marcos burial cases, the Court became strictly
constructionist.
Conspiracy theorists, nonetheless, point out that at least there is one
thing predictable about our Court based on the cases cited: The winning
petitioners all have money.
When the Philippine Supreme Court inconsistently rules on the basis of
the letter in one case and then the spirit of the laws in another case and then
this caprice habitually flips back and forth in “political” cases, on what
basis, we should ask, does the Supreme Court rule other than some convenient
casuistry? The answer, we might say, is that the Supreme Court decides on the
basis of “political” considerations and motivations without excluding the
possibility of furtive financial gains, which cannot be ruled out precisely
because they are so easily accomplished.
When you consider the prospect of corruption in the Supreme Court from
the standpoint of the management concept of control, corruption is not simply a
possibility but a probability because for practical purposes no controls
against accomplishing corrupt transactions exist. Supreme Court justices can be
censured for corruption only through impeachment, and impeachment is possible
only if the justices engage in blatant wrongdoing and if the political process
of impeachment finds enough political support in Congress and the Senate.
Because the secrecy of bank transactions serves the interests not only of the
banking sector but also of foreign governments, the possibility of uncovering
suspicious transactions involving the justices is for practical purposes nil.
So, if you are a party in a Supreme Court case and have the resources required
(e.g. the Marcos family), you can very easily pay off a willing justice in an
offshore banking transaction. Only a regular degree of secrecy would be
required to accomplish the transaction. Banking secrecy ensures no threat of
impeachment. Therefore, the only realistic control against corruption in the
Supreme Court is the integrity of the justices, meaning to say, the justices
control themselves, which amounts to no control at all, for practical purposes.
If there is no control, then what can we say about the possibility of
corruption? It is not merely possible, it is more than probable.
We cannot assume that the Supreme Court is not free of corruption,
especially if we can demonstrate specious reasoning in a particular case. Any
apparent lack of intellectual integrity raises a red flag, naturally. We have
to understand that opposing conclusions can be reached by highly involved legal
reasoning, so that it would be a mistake to assume that the legal reasoning by
itself will adequately justify judicial conclusions. Respect does accrue to a
position of authority, but it is eroded when the authority is not exercised
justly.
“In practice law is not a well-wrought urn but the purveyor of tortuous
vagaries.”
Public domain image
ReplyDeleteImage link: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GSIS-Meralco_bribery_case#/media/File:Seal_of_the_Supreme_Court_of_the_Republic_of_the_Philippines.svg
Gonzalinho
COMMENTARY
ReplyDelete‘HOODLUMS IN ROBES’
By Oscar P. Lagman Jr. - @inquirerdotnet
Philippine Daily Inquirer / 05:25 AM May 25, 2018
…Corruption, influence-peddling, and case-fixing in the judiciary have been acknowledged as reality by practicing lawyers. They speak of judges with an “open back door” through which trial lawyers can enter a judge’s chambers. They imply that a favorable decision can be obtained by enticements offered the judge in his or her chambers. Court decisions and temporary restraining orders are long known to be for sale.
In 2013, the Supreme Court confirmed the reported influence-peddling of one Arlene Lerma, who was said to have paid for court decisions favoring her clients. She was also said to have funded the campaigns of certain candidates for president of the Philippine Judges Association, booking 50 rooms in deluxe hotels for judges and their spouses and gifting them expensive items and plane tickets for trips abroad.
In 2014, the Supreme Court dismissed Sandiganbayan Associate Justice Gregory Ong after he was found guilty of “gross misconduct, dishonesty and impropriety” for acquitting alleged pork barrel scam mastermind Janet Lim Napoles in a malversation case involving the sale in 1998 of 500 Kevlar helmets to the Philippine Marines. A photo showed him with Napoles and then Sen. Jinggoy Estrada. An investigation revealed that Ong visited Napoles at her office on two occasions after participating in the Kevlar helmet case. The high court said: The “totality of the circumstances of such association strongly indicates [Ong’s] corrupt inclinations that only heightened the public’s perception of anomaly in the decision-making process.”
Link: http://opinion.inquirer.net/113437/hoodlums-in-robes#ixzz5HDmBSklV
Gonzalinho
ADDRESS SUPREME COURT’S CASE BACKLOG
ReplyDelete05:01 AM July 23, 2018
Has anyone in the consultative committee that drafted the proposed federal constitution ever thought of categorically disallowing the Supreme Court from messing around with the mandate to decide cases within a fixed period?
The 1987 Constitution provides that the Supreme Court “shall” (meaning, mandatory in all jurisprudence) dispose of cases within a period of only two years. But the justices have, to this date, continued making a mockery of that provision by sitting on so many cases for as long as 15 to 20 YEARS—thus virtually reframing (amending!) that provision from the original “shall” to “may” (meaning, just a suggestion).
Not even the warning of retired chief justice Hilario Davide Jr. that they could all be impeached for “culpable violation of the Constitution” has deterred them from continuing to be defiant and arrogant vis-à-vis that mandate (“Davide: 8 anti-Sereno justices may be impeached,” News, 5/18/18).
Consequently, that high court’s backlog has ballooned to an unmanageable 7,000 or so unresolved cases, to great damage and serious prejudice to the people. If any “honorable” justice thinks he/she cannot handle that kind of judicial load, then, resignation is always an option.
Justice delayed is justice denied. No form of government can eradicate that core anomaly in the justice system until it is dealt with head-on and more decisively.
JEREMIAS H. TOBIAS, jeremhech@gmail.com
Read more: http://opinion.inquirer.net/114801/address-supreme-courts-case-backlog#ixzz5NGAkh6DJ
Gonzalinho
CONTRADICTION IN SC DECISION
ReplyDelete05:02 AM August 06, 2018
It does not make sense to me that the Supreme Court supported the findings of the Ombudsman “that there was enough evidence to indict former senator Jinggoy Estrada for plunder and 11 counts of graft,” but did not invalidate the Sandiganbayan’s decision to grant Estrada his temporary freedom despite being indicted for the nonbailable offense of plunder.
What could the explanation be for the contradiction?
TONY REYES, tonyreyes13@live.com
Read more: http://opinion.inquirer.net/115147/contradiction-sc-decision#ixzz5NLq5K7yi
Gonzalinho
‘LEAVE THE COURT ALONE’?
ReplyDeletePhilippine Daily Inquirer / 05:09 AM September 11, 2018
Last week, speaking at her first flag ceremony at the Supreme Court as the new leader of the judiciary, Chief Justice Teresita de Castro warned both critics and the two other branches of government to leave the Court alone.
At first glance, her words seem to be a restatement of conventional wisdom.
“The other members of the coequal and independent branches of the government should understand that based on our constitutional order, the decisions reached by the justices of the Supreme Court whether unanimously or by majority vote, must be respected,” she said. “We should be left alone to decide the fate of this institution without interference,” adding: “So we demand respect from the other members of the coequal and independent branches of the government.”
Could she have been referring to the obvious attempts by the President of the Philippines and the previous Speaker of the House of Representatives to intimidate the Court and its previous chief justice, Maria Lourdes Sereno?
It does not look like Speaker Gloria Arroyo will demand that De Castro pay a courtesy call on her, in the same way that Rep. Pantaleon Alvarez tried to get Sereno to pay a courtesy call on him.
…With [De Castro] at the helm, even if only for less than two months, and with a majority of justices consistently voting in favor of the President’s legal positions, it does not look like a major official of either political branch will attempt again to browbeat the Court in public.
So what could De Castro have been referring to?
If anything, it was she who led the Court into a trap, the anti-Sereno hearings in the House, where the institutional dignity of the Court was greatly diminished.
…“I would like to say,” she also said, “that people outside would like to judge us from what they see from afar. But it is us the justices and the employees and officials of the Court who know what is happening inside the Supreme Court. And we should be left alone to decide for ourselves.”
There is no question that the members of the Court must reach decisions by themselves. Any attempt by any official of the executive or legislative branches of government, or indeed of any outside party, to influence the decision-making of the Court outside of the legal processes is illegal and unethical.
There is a wisdom to the deliberate design of the judiciary as a nonpolitical branch of government.
But is this what De Castro meant?
To be continued
‘LEAVE THE COURT ALONE’?
ReplyDeletePhilippine Daily Inquirer / 05:09 AM September 11, 2018
Continued
The Court, of course, can never be left completely alone; the constitutional system of checks and balances assures that, with the executive wielding appointing power over its members, and the legislative branch allocating its budget, subject to the fiscal autonomy guarantee given to the judiciary by the Constitution.
What De Castro apparently refers to is public perception of Court decisions (“people outside would like to judge us”) and then contrasts that with insider knowledge (“it is us… who know what is happening inside”). Then she concludes by returning to her theme: “And we should be left alone to decide for ourselves.”
It seems what De Castro is really getting at is the undue, unaccounted or unmeasured influence of public opinion on judicial decisions.
In sum: People outside the Court judge the justices by what they see “from afar.” They should instead judge the Court by how “the justices and the employees and officials” decide.
This is a plea easy enough to understand, but at its core is a fundamental misunderstanding of the role of the Court and the rest of the judiciary in the democratic project.
The Court must decide according to “facts and the law,” that is true. But both the facts and the law must reflect reality. It is eminently the role of the public to impress this reality on the decision-making of the Court.
The justices can facilitate this process by observing the principle of transparency as much as possible; or they can ignore it altogether.
But there’s no escaping the pressure of public opinion; that’s democracy.
Read more: https://opinion.inquirer.net/115989/leave-court-alone#ixzz5RPRVUekc
Decisions of the Supreme Court, besides the conduct and actions of its members, should be subject to scrutiny and debate by the public at large. We are, after all, supposed to be a working democracy, holding the highest officials of government accountable. Yet, if anything, scrutiny of and debate about the Supreme Court is lacking in the public forum. How many, we might remark, pore over Supreme Court oral arguments and written decisions to take issue with their argumentation or highlight their flaws? We have a very long way to go in this country.
Gonzalinho