SILENCE IS VIOLENCE
Which PH institutions are holding fast? (Part 1)
By John Nery
Philippine Daily Inquirer / 05:11 AM February 06, 2018
...the crucial question Kleinfeld asked involved the subject of
resistance. Which institutions were “pushing back” against this undermining of
the rule of law? I made a distinction between institutions that are “holding
fast” and institutions that are pushing back. (This week I’ll limit myself to
the first.)
The Philippine military is not anti-Duterte. It would be more precise
to say it is not so much nonpolitical as it is antipolitics. In the second
decade of the 21st century, the lessons of the second half of the 20th have
finally taken firm root: A politicized military is a weaker military. Institutions
designed to defend the Constitution should not undermine the constitutional
order. The Armed Forces of the Philippines serves the people at all times, not
the government temporarily in power (or at least not only). Professionalism
should be the byword and benchmark of the armed services. It is by quietly
insisting on this hard-won sense of professionalism that the AFP may be said to
be holding fast, rather than pushing back.
One challenge for the military: While its leaders have categorically
refused to take part in a revolutionary government, in part because it is
plainly unconstitutional, they will have no choice if President Duterte, helped
by his enablers in the Supreme Court, declares nationwide martial law: They
will follow any orders with the semblance of constitutionality.
Another institution that has not pushed back but may be said to have
held fast is the Catholic Church. Its collective approach to the Duterte
administration’s signature antidrugs campaign can be described as calibrated:
It has raised the alarm over extrajudicial killings, but it has not denied the
rationale behind the campaign. In fact, it has stepped up its drug
rehabilitation efforts.
Individual bishops have criticized the campaign and the killings that
follow in its wake; the bishops as a whole have condemned the new culture of
“fake news” and other forms of disinformation as immoral and irrational—but the
Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines has not confronted the
President directly for the violence against mostly poor Filipinos that the
state inspires, instigates, or implements.
One challenge for the Church hierarchy: Even though the bishops have
skillfully walked the tightrope between criticism and collaboration, the
reality is that many government officials, and the entire Duterte support
infrastructure, already see the Church as anti-Duterte. (To be continued)
Which PH institutions are pushing back? (Part 2)
By John Nery
Philippine Daily Inquirer / 05:20 AM February 13, 2018
At the launch of the Rule of Law Index in Washington, DC the other
week, forum moderator Rachel Kleinfeld of the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace asked a crucial question. In those countries like Venezuela
and the Philippines where adherence to the rule of law has weakened (as
measured according to the Index’s eight factors), which institutions were
“pushing back”? In my answer, I distinguished between institutions that are
pushing back and institutions that are “holding fast” (including a military
which abhors the vacuum of politicization and a Roman Catholic Church which,
despite its efforts to engage the government policy agenda, is seen by Duterte
supporters as anti-Duterte).
What do I understand by pushing back? It might be best to cite specific
examples.
I share the sense of many that Ombudsman Conchita Carpio Morales is a
true profile in courage. It is her cutting candor that Filipinos find both
refreshing and inspiring. For instance, last September, in response to an
extraordinary provocation from President Duterte, she issued a statement that
was shared widely and discussed avidly. After the President threatened to have
her office—the government’s primary graft-busting agency—investigated for
“partiality,” she replied thus: “Sorry, Mr. President, but this Office shall
not be intimidated.” She ended her statement with a sentence that recalled the
line Mr. Duterte and his allies often use, but in a subtle tables-are-turned
way: “The President’s announcement that he intends to create a commission to
investigate the Ombudsman appears to have to do with this Office’s ongoing
investigation into issues that involve him.” Then the clincher: “This Office,
nonetheless, shall proceed with the probe, as mandated by the Constitution. If
the President has nothing to hide, he has nothing to fear.”
But if all she did was issue no-nonsense statements, Morales would not
be the commanding authority figure that she is. ...she has a formidable
reputation as a lawyer, a sterling career as a justice of the Supreme Court,
and an impressive work ethic that has enabled her to dramatically reduce the Ombudsman’s
caseload.
...The chair of the Commission on Human Rights, lawyer and Charter
framer Chito Gascon, is, like the Ombudsman, someone who has reaped a bitter
harvest of presidential abuse because he dares to do his constitutional duty.
The public outrage that erupted when a petulant House of Representatives voted
to grant the CHR a P1,000 budget was a response in part to the rhetorical
beating the President had administered on Gascon; the symbolic sum (about $20)
was an insult, a calling of names through other means.
Gascon has stood his ground, and continues to put his agency’s meager
budget (since restored) on the frontline of human rights protection.
Other profiles in courage include:
Some members of the Supreme Court, who place duty to the Constitution
above loyalty to the President. At a time when pivotal Court rulings are
characterized by compromised reasoning, they serve as witnesses to the grand
ideal of the law as reason prevailing over force.
Journalists like Maria Ressa, who have worked to “hold the line”
against state-sponsored or -inspired attacks on press freedom. The Democracy
and Disinformation Conference ongoing at the Ateneo de Manila’s Rockwell campus
shows that there are many like her, working closely with bloggers, scholars,
and members of civil society.
And Sen. Leila de Lima, who will mark a year in detention next
week...in a macho culture that likes to make an example (“sampol,”
colloquially), she is the primary proof of what the Duterte administration’s
weaponization of the rule of law can achieve. Her letters from jail show her
spirit is unbroken, her mind undimmed, her will undaunted.
But these examples (and there are many others) also show the limits of
the pushback: little of it is institution-based. Most of it is
individual-driven. This is not to say that there are no organizations or
movements working to defend the democratic project—I can attest that there are,
involving sectors from concerned students to frustrated businessmen...and of
course the CHR is an agency and Rappler is an organization—but only that at
this stage of the political cycle, much of the burden is borne by individuals.
The next stage is collective pushback.
“SC martial law ruling ‘enables rise of an emboldened authoritarian’ –
Leonen”
By Lian Buan
Rappler.com, February 10, 2018
MANILA, Philippines – The recent Supreme Court ruling that upheld the
constitutionality of President Rodrigo Duterte's re-extension of martial law in
Mindanao “enables the rise of an emboldened authoritarian,” Associate
Justice Marvic Leonen said in a strongly worded dissenting opinion.
“Contrary to the text and spirit of the Constitution, the decision in
this case provides the environment that enables the rise of an emboldened
authoritarian. This is far from the oath to the Constitution that I have taken.
I, therefore, dissent,” Leonen said.
Forbearance is silence,
Virtue of the meek.
Silence is complicity,
Oppression of the weak.
Philippine democratic institutions under assault by the aspiring
dictator Duterte should resist by speaking out in support of Philippine
democracy and its strong foundation in the 1987 Constitution.
Photo courtesy of Boreio Selas
ReplyDeletePhoto link: https://www.flickr.com/photos/boreioselas/6310357672
Gonzalinho
Duterte’s agenda, which is to destroy democratic institutions, establish a dictatorship, and enrich himself and his cronies through massive corruption, will have catastrophic economic effects in the Philippines. Bad governance is already showing the signs in massive hidden debt to Communist China, weakening foreign investment, a weakening peso, and degraded economic growth.
ReplyDeleteDuterte is using Communist China as a hedge in his agenda to exploit for his personal aggrandizement the Philippine nation and its people. He is a traitor to the Philippines.
Gonzalinho
“A brother asked Abba Poemen, ‘Is it better to speak or to be silent?’ The old man said to him, ‘The man who speaks for God’s sake does well; but he who is silent for God’s sake also does well.”
ReplyDeletehttps://www.oca.org/reflections/fr.-john-breck/on-silence-and-solitude
—“On Silence and Solitude,” Orthodox Church in America, February 2, 2005
Gonzalinho